(78-79)
78-English court system, legal procedures, and statutes.
एक दुखी परिवार - 78
New penal code introduced-British India.
After 1857 , the British Governance exhibited no signs of its being an agency , alien to the soil, though it's elitist outlook created grave contradiction in the Indian psyche. The contradiction was one of two extremes, one set pertaining to the affluent section, was enamoured by the British genre, whereas the majority constituted by the rustics and the unlettered assumed a refractory distance.
The colonial government strengthened and expanded its infrastructure via the court system, legal procedures, and statutes which further widened the above chasm , the resourceful found it efficacious for an advanced life style, whereas the down trodden saw it as a tool to alienate them and rather smother them.
New legislation merged the Crown and the old East India Company courts and introduced a new penal code as well as new codes of civil and criminal procedure, based largely on English law. These were effective means of governance without necessitatingk large man power. The ruling intermediaries, Raja , rajvadas , zamindars and their deputies or subservient agencies acted within apparently uniform legal format that offered enough of covert flexibility to the intermediaries to keep the rest constituting vast majority to stay well under control of the rulers.
In the 1860s–1880s the Raj set up compulsory registration of births, deaths, and marriages, as well as adoptions, property deeds, and wills.
These were incomprehensible introductions for the above said alienated majority over which the minority elite found new weapons of rule without the frequent use or invocation of muscle power, law coming already handy for the creamy segments.
The goal was to create a stable, usable public record and verifiable identities.
However, seeds of agitation in the aftermath of 1857, had not abated, but were still brewing in the masses that harboured have-not mindset, which the elements opposed to the ruling segments kept exploiting in subdued manner, hence there was opposition from both Muslim and Hindu elements who invented pretexts for airing their grievances, complaining that the new procedures for census-taking and registration threatened to uncover female privacy. Purdah rules prohibited women from saying their husband's name or having their photograph taken. An all-India census was conducted between 1868 and 1871, often using total numbers of females in a household rather than individual names. Select groups which the Raj reformers wanted to monitor statistically included those reputed to practice female infanticide, prostitutes, lepers, and eunuchs.
Increasingly officials discovered that traditions and customs in India were too strong and too rigid to be changed easily. There were a few new social interventions, especially not in matters dealing with religion, even when the British felt very strongly about the issue (as in the instance of the remarriage of Hindu child widows).
Women were in some ways more restricted by the modernisation of the laws. They remained tied to the strictures of their religion, caste, and customs, but now they were with an overlay of British Victorian attitudes. Their inheritance rights to own and manage property were curtailed; the new English laws were somewhat harsher. Court rulings restricted the rights of second wives and their children regarding inheritance. A woman had to belong to either a father or a husband to have any rights.
(Cont. .)
79-TISCO at Jamshedpur
एक दुखी परिवार - 78
New penal code introduced-British India.
After 1857 , the British Governance exhibited no signs of its being an agency , alien to the soil, though it's elitist outlook created grave contradiction in the Indian psyche. The contradiction was one of two extremes, one set pertaining to the affluent section, was enamoured by the British genre, whereas the majority constituted by the rustics and the unlettered assumed a refractory distance.
The colonial government strengthened and expanded its infrastructure via the court system, legal procedures, and statutes which further widened the above chasm , the resourceful found it efficacious for an advanced life style, whereas the down trodden saw it as a tool to alienate them and rather smother them.
New legislation merged the Crown and the old East India Company courts and introduced a new penal code as well as new codes of civil and criminal procedure, based largely on English law. These were effective means of governance without necessitatingk large man power. The ruling intermediaries, Raja , rajvadas , zamindars and their deputies or subservient agencies acted within apparently uniform legal format that offered enough of covert flexibility to the intermediaries to keep the rest constituting vast majority to stay well under control of the rulers.
In the 1860s–1880s the Raj set up compulsory registration of births, deaths, and marriages, as well as adoptions, property deeds, and wills.
These were incomprehensible introductions for the above said alienated majority over which the minority elite found new weapons of rule without the frequent use or invocation of muscle power, law coming already handy for the creamy segments.
The goal was to create a stable, usable public record and verifiable identities.
However, seeds of agitation in the aftermath of 1857, had not abated, but were still brewing in the masses that harboured have-not mindset, which the elements opposed to the ruling segments kept exploiting in subdued manner, hence there was opposition from both Muslim and Hindu elements who invented pretexts for airing their grievances, complaining that the new procedures for census-taking and registration threatened to uncover female privacy. Purdah rules prohibited women from saying their husband's name or having their photograph taken. An all-India census was conducted between 1868 and 1871, often using total numbers of females in a household rather than individual names. Select groups which the Raj reformers wanted to monitor statistically included those reputed to practice female infanticide, prostitutes, lepers, and eunuchs.
Increasingly officials discovered that traditions and customs in India were too strong and too rigid to be changed easily. There were a few new social interventions, especially not in matters dealing with religion, even when the British felt very strongly about the issue (as in the instance of the remarriage of Hindu child widows).
Women were in some ways more restricted by the modernisation of the laws. They remained tied to the strictures of their religion, caste, and customs, but now they were with an overlay of British Victorian attitudes. Their inheritance rights to own and manage property were curtailed; the new English laws were somewhat harsher. Court rulings restricted the rights of second wives and their children regarding inheritance. A woman had to belong to either a father or a husband to have any rights.
(Cont. .)
79-TISCO at Jamshedpur
एक दुखी परिवार - 79
Industry in British India
The entrepreneur Jamshedji Tata (1839–1904) began his industrial career in 1877 with the Central India Spinning, Weaving, and Manufacturing Company in Bombay. While other Indian mills produced cheap coarse yarn (and later cloth) using local short-staple cotton and cheap machinery imported from Britain, Tata did much better by importing expensive longer-stapled cotton from Egypt and buying more complex ring-spindle machinery from the United States to spin finer yarn that could compete with imports from Britain.
In the 1890s, he launched plans to move into heavy industry using Indian funding.
The Raj did not provide capital, but, aware of Britain's declining position against the US and Germany in the steel industry, it wanted steel mills in India. It promised to purchase any surplus steel Tata could not otherwise sell.The Tata Iron and Steel Company (TISCO), now headed by his son Dorabji Tata (1859–1932), opened its plant at Jamshedpur in Bihar in 1908. It used American technology, not British and became the leading iron and steel producer in India, with 120,000 employees in 1945. TISCO became India's proud symbol of technical skill, managerial competence, entrepreneurial flair, and high pay for industrial workers.The Tata family, like most of India's big businessmen, were Indian nationalists but did not trust the Congress because it seemed too aggressively hostile to the Raj, too socialist, and too supportive of trade unions.
(Cont. .)
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